RJOAS April 2025
by Kinasih Gloria Biwin, Kriyantono Rachmat (Department of Communication Science, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, University of Brawijaya, Malang, Indonesia)
This study aims to determine the category of Gen Z public FISIP Brawijaya University as voters of candidate pair 02 in the 2024 General Election based on the Situational Theory of Public (STP). This theory is used to identify the public based on their communication behavior and situational perceptions of Prabowo's issues regarding the abduction and disappearance of activists in 1997/1998. The controversial background attached to Prabowo Subianto as one of the presidential candidates for the 2024 presidential election contradicts his victory in the 2024 presidential election which is dominated by Gen Z voters. Therefore, this research focuses on proving the hypothesis that the Gen Z FISIP UB public should be an active public due to their easy exposure to information, including existing issues. This research uses a quantitative descriptive study with a survey method on 102 Gen Z FISIP UB students as the population and sample. The results of this study show that Gen Z FISIP UB students have a category of public aware or low involvement problem-facing behavior (LIPF) communication behavior with a high level of problem recognition, a low level of constraint recognition, and a low level of involvement. Their inactivity on this issue is due to a lack of personal involvement in past events that do not directly affect their lives, as well as the dominance of entertainment content consumption on social media that distracts from political issues. This shows that although Gen Z has wide access to information, their attention to critical issues is limited. This public also has characteristics that are influenced by demographic factors, internet usage, and political news preferences. This research concludes that Gen Z as digital natives tend to be an aware public albeit with low engagement, so effective communication strategies need to be designed to increase their participation.
The 2024 presidential election is one of the political events in Indonesia that can determine the future direction of Indonesia. The democratic activity was held on February 14, 2024 to elect the president and vice president for the period 2024 - 2029 (CNN, 2024). The candidates for the presidential election were Prabowo Subianto, Anies Baswedan, and Ganjar Pranowo. The largest group of voters in the 2024 presidential election is the younger generation, namely the Millennial Generation and Generation Z. This generation is more than half of the voters in the 2024 presidential election. These generations make up more than half of the eligible voters in the 2024 election (Wee, 2024). Generation Z is a group that is highly connected to technology and information, especially social media. They have grown up in a digital media environment, making it easy for them to operate social media platforms (Palfrey & Gasser, 2010). Growing up in the digital era, they show information consumption patterns dominated by social media, such as TikTok, which are more often used for entertainment than political news (Muhammad, 2024; Nugraha & Kriyantono, 2023). The proximity to social media has made the 2024 presidential election candidates switch to campaigning using social media (Wee, 2024).
Anies used social media to target Indonesian K-pop fans by live streaming on TikTok. Prabowo, a former general, also tried to rebrand himself as a 'gemoy' or cute grandfather through TikTok flooded with videos of him dancing at rallies (Hamdi et al., 2024; Wee, 2024). One such strategy eventually led to victory for the Prabowo-Gibran ticket. The Political Indicator survey showed that the votes for Prabowo were dominated by Gen Z votes with 71 percent (Ulya & Rastika, 2024).
The phenomenon of the 2024 presidential election is interesting to study, given that Prabowo Subianto, as one of the candidates, has strong links to past controversial issues, including his alleged involvement in the 1997/1998 activist kidnapping case. Prabowo Subianto had been convicted of kidnapping, which led to him being advised to be dismissed from the military administration (Furgudyama, 2023). Prabowo Subianto and his close associate Muchdi Purwopranjono, who were responsible for the abduction of regime opponents in early 1998 were relieved of their commands and later discharged from the military (Mietzner, 2006).
The news of Prabowo Subianto's issue regarding the abduction of activists in 1997/1998 that has shocked the international community should be known so that it becomes a concern and consideration for Gen Z in choosing their presidential candidate in the 2024 Election because information is now easily available anywhere. As a study found that news media can increase problem recognition, risk assessment, information processing, and sometimes information seeking (Slater & Rasinski in Aldoory et al., 2010; Kriyantono, 2015).
Using the Situational Theory of Public (STP), this study aims to identify the public categories of Generation Z FISIP Universitas Brawijaya and evaluate the influence of social media and algorithms on their communication behavior. STP theory identifies publics based on problem recognition, constraint recognition, and level of involvement (Grunig, 1979; Kriyantono, 2017). This research is important because Generation Z has a high intensity in receiving information, but low engagement on controversial political issues, including the alleged human rights issue involving Prabowo Subianto (Kriyantono, 2017). issues involving Prabowo Subianto (Ulya & Rastika, 2024).
This research uses a quantitative methodology based on a positivistic paradigm or approach that aims to describe the communication behavior and situational perceptions of Generation Z FISIP Brawijaya University towards the issue of Prabowo Subianto's alleged involvement in the activist abduction case in 1997/1998. Departing from positivism, this research uses quantitative methodology to generalize through describing or explaining the problem (Kriyantono, 2024). This research strategy will use descriptive quantitative by describing the facts and characteristics of the population or other objects systematically, factually, and accurately. The depiction of these facts is carried out using survey methods and questionnaires as data collection techniques. This research focuses on descriptive surveys because it only asks about one variable based on profile, motivation, attitude, or behavior. The researcher's hypothesis will be tested using descriptive statistics such as using frequency tables.
The statements made in the questionnaire use an ordinal type Likert scale using 4 scales with the assessment score of each alternative answer, namely: Strongly Agree (SS) with a score of 4, Agree (S) with a score of 3; Disagree (TS) with a score of 2; Strongly Disagree (STS) with a score of 1.
The number of question items in this questionnaire is 24 and in the initial section the respondent will be asked for some demographic data with variables of gender, age, class, and study program. In addition, respondents were also asked for some psychographic data such as motives and habits of using the internet, political news preferences, behavior and consumption of political news. This questionnaire consists of 18 statements for the Situational Perception variable and six statements for the Communication Behavior variable. The 18 statements described consisted of six statements related to the problem recognition sub variable, three statements related to the constraint recognition sub variable, and six statements related to the level of involvement sub variable. The data results from this questionnaire were then analyzed using excel tools.
Each statement item will be operationalized according to the explanation of the theory itself. The problem recognition sub variable is operationalized to measure the extent to which respondents recognize the issue. There are three indicators and three descriptors used in the sub variables as shown in Table 1.
The constraint recognition sub-variable is operationalized as respondents' statements about the extent to which they feel there are restrictions when expressing opinions. There are two indicators and two statement descriptors to help prepare the questionnaire, as shown in Table 2.
The level of involvement sub variable is operationalized as respondents' statements about the extent to which they feel involved in an issue. There is only one indicator and descriptor used, as shown in Table 3.
The statement items were tested for validity and reliability using the help of SPSS Ver. 26. The validity test of this study uses the Product Moment formula (Pearson's Correlation) with r table 0.361 with a significance level of 5%. The test results show that each statement item is valid. The reliability test was carried out using Cronbach's Alpha with a limit of 0.6. The value results show the number 0.928 which means reliable.
The research location was conducted at the Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Brawijaya (FISIP UB) with a population of all people who are still students of FISIP UB. Determination of samples from the population using purposive sampling technique because it already has clarity of sample criteria in this study (Kriyantono, 2024), namely Gen Z FISIP UB voters of candidate pair 02 in the 2024 presidential election. The population of Gen Z FISIP UB is 5791 students. This population was then calculated using the Slovin formula and the results were found to be 98 students.
The statement items were tested for validity and reliability using the help of SPSS Ver. 26. The validity test of this study uses the Product Moment formula (Pearson Correlation) with r table 0.361 with a significance level of 5%. The test results show that each statement item is valid. The reliability test was carried out using Cronbach's Alpha with a limit of 0.6. The value results show the number 0.928 which means reliable.
The research location was conducted at the Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Brawijaya (FISIP UB) with a population of all people who are still students of FISIP UB. Determination of samples from the population using purposive sampling technique because it already has clarity of sample criteria in this study (Kriyantono, 2024), namely Gen Z FISIP UB voters of candidate pair 02 in the 2024 presidential election. The total population of Gen Z FISIP UB is 5791 students. This population was then calculated using the Slovin formula and the results were obtained as many as 98 students.
These data show that even though Gen Z FISIP UB uses the internet for a long time, they rarely use it to read news, especially politics. They tend to like entertainment and social media for chatting. In addition, even though they are students who learn about politics and the issue of the abduction of activists in 1997/1998 is an act of gross human rights, these things are not of particular concern to Gen Z FISIP UB because there is no sense of involvement in it.
Gen Z FISIP UB did not consider the issue of the alleged abduction of activists in 1997/1998 due to factors such as the influence of social media to obtain entertainment such as celebrities and movies that are sometimes exposed to political news information on Instagram and TikTok. This certainly affects the perception of Gen Z FISIP UB because the media becomes a driving agent. As stated by Norris (2000) that the media as an agent moves people to act and participate in voting or politics. Research conducted by Yusran & Sapar, (2022) found that there is a positive relationship between the influence of social media and the level of voting participation.
This perception controlled by social media is of course also influenced by algorithmic factors that are able to determine the type of content and information presented. Algorithms are programmed to categorize, filter, and present content to increase user interaction with the content being shared and the time users spend watching content on their social media (Fensi in Zaky et al., 2024). This creates a filter bubble, which causes information to be shared not because of the user's deliberate choice, but comes from suggestions collected from various social media platforms which are then used as material for algorithms (Bradshaw & Howard in Zaky et al., 2024). Bozdag & van den Hoven (2015) state that the filter bubble results in restrictions on freedom of thought, discussion and action. This causes users not to think independently and creatively.
Algorithms and bubble filters are certainly utilized by various parties, especially in this context, the candidates for the 2024 Presidential Election to influence public perceptions of the candidates. For example, Prabowo used his 'gemoy' campaign strategy through TikTok social media with his dancing videos at rallies (Hamdi et al., 2024; Wee, 2024). So that it causes political content that is more emotional and provocative, especially since Gen Z FISIP UB tends to like entertainment things as the content of their social media such as Instagram and TikTok is mostly entertainment. This description can be referred to as digital propaganda so as to strengthen users' views through algorithms on social media and influence their public opinion so as to achieve victory in the 2024 presidential election.
Problem recognition is operationalized as a statement that respondents think about or pay attention to the issue of abducted activists 1997/1998. The number of respondents in this study were 102 respondents. One respondent will answer nine problem recognition sub-variable statements so that the total number of answers to this variable is 918. Based on the data in the frequency table (Table 4), the Agree option was answered 321 times by respondents to be the most choice in this sub variable. The Strongly Agree option was answered 201 times, the Disagree option was answered 246 times, and the Strongly Disagree option was chosen 150 times. To determine the level of problem recongition, it is necessary to perform calculations based on the score of each alternative answer which is then compared with the range score of this sub variable. The score range of this sub variable is 918 - 2295 for the low category and 2296 - 3672 for the high category. Based on the calculation, a number of 2409 was found, so that the level of problem recognition owned by respondents is in the high category. This high level of problem recognition is a form of statement that respondents recognize and pay attention to the issue of the alleged abduction and disappearance of activists in 1997/1998.
Constraint recognition is operationalized to what extent they feel there are restrictions in expressing their opinions. The total responses from research based on this sub variable amounted to 306 answers. Based on the frequency table (Table 6), the most respondents chose Strongly Disagree 109 times. The answer choices Disagree 80 times, Agree 87 times, and Strongly Agree 30 times. Determination of the level of problem recognition will be done by calculating based on the score of each alternative answer. By using the median formula (middle value), it can be found that the range of scores for this sub variable is 306 - 765 to enter the low category and the score range is 766-1224 to enter the high category. Based on the calculation results, the number 650 was found so that the level of constraint recognition owned was in the low category. Based on the explanation of this, it can be concluded that the Gen Z Public of FISIP UB has low constraint recognition, that is, they do not feel any restrictions in expressing their opinions regarding the issue of the 1997/1998 Activist Abduction.
Level of involvement is operationalized into a statement that the extent to which respondents feels involved in an issue. The total number of respondents in this study was 102 respondents; one respondent answered six statements related to the level of involvement variable so that the total number of answers to this variable was 612 answers. Based on the frequency data (Table 7), the most answer choices are strongly disagree answered 206 times, respondents who answered agree 199 times, answer choices agree 122 times, and strongly agree 85 times. Determination of the level of involvement will be carried out by calculating based on the score of each alternative answer. The sub variable score range is 612 - 1530 to enter the low category and the score range is 1531 - 2448 to enter the high category. Based on the calculation, the number 1290 was found so that the level of involvement is in the low category. So, it can be concluded that the Gen Z Public of FISIP UB has a low level of involvement, namely they do not feel any involvement in the issue of the 1997/1998 Activist Abduction.
Based on the frequency data on each type of communication behavior (Y) (Figure 1), the respondents who dominate are the LIRB (Low Involvement Routine Behavior) type, namely 45 respondents (44.1%). Although LIRB (low problem recognition, low constraint recognition, and low level of involvement) dominates, this type of communication behavior does not represent other communication behaviors that have high problem recognition. Therefore, if the results of all respondents' answers are totaled, what can represent is LIPF (Low Involvement Problem-facing). LIPF is a communication behavior that considers the problem irrelevant or has no direct impact on them, so they are less emotionally or intellectually involved in the issue of the abduction of activists in 1997/1998.
Based on the calculation and processing of respondent data, each public category based on the Situational Theory of Public (STP) can be obtained after knowing the type of communication behavior (Table 7). Of the 102 respondents, the Active public type has 3 respondents (2.9%), aware public has 44 respondents (43.13%), Latent public has 47 respondents (46.07%), and None Public has 8 respondents (7.8%). In dominance, the type of Gen Z public is more of a latent public type, but in the calculation of the average or total number of levels of problem recognition, constraint recognition, and level of involvement, it can be concluded that the type of public Gen Z FISIP UB is aware public, which means that latent publics are aware of the problem and are able to identify the issue.
This study shows the results that respondents as a whole have a high level of problem recognition, low constraint recognition, and low level of involvement so that they are referred to as low involvement problem-facing.
Based on the results of the study above, the researcher concluded that in general, Gen Z FISIP UB who voted for candidate 02 in the 2024 presidential election is a type of aware public with LIPF (Low Involvement Problem-facing) communication behavior, which means that they consider the issue of the alleged abduction of activists 1997/1998 irrelevant or has no direct impact on them, so they are less emotionally or intellectually involved in the issue. The findings also show the level of situational perception variables with high levels of problem recognition, low constraint recognition, and low levels of involvement.
This finding rejects the researcher's initial hypothesis and the results of previous studies which explain that public categorization is active. This finding strengthens the statement of the situational theory of public that public categorization can change due to changes in issues that cause the public to become aware or feel involved. In addition, this research shows that the situational theory of public is still relevant to use today, especially in the political context of the issue of the alleged abduction of activists in 1997/1998. However, there are limitations to the variables in this theory, specifically in the political context because the Gen Z FISIP UB public in this case has several characteristics such as close proximity to social media, the habit of using the internet for more than six hours, the habit of using the internet to use messaging/chatting applications and video/music streaming, using the internet with the sole purpose of entertainment such as celebrities, music, movies), rarely reading political news (only once a week) but they rarely (once a week) share the information on their social media so that their involvement is said to be quite low.
In accordance with the findings of this study, public relations practitioners, in this case the Prabowo Subianto campaign team can use a communication strategy using mass media that is managed attractively, creatively, and well so as to attract public attention for Prabowo's next programs. Political practitioners can use the same strategy for the next presidential or regional election campaign. Regarding the issue of the alleged abduction of activists in 1997/1998, the messages used were designed not to be defensive but in the form of clarification and explaining the changes experienced by Prabowo Subianto such as the transformation of his vision and commitment to humanity so as to enhance a more positive image. In addition, there needs to be an increase in political narratives, political observers, and independent government institutions that continuously provide public education so that there is an educative narrative development towards existing social and historical events so that people can be much more critical of information on their social media especially Gen Z FISIP UB is more likely to like entertainment content. Educational institutions such as campuses also need to play an active role in providing political education with more interactive methods such as simulations of political debates, group discussions on actual issues, or political workshops so as to help students to see the direct relevance of politics in their lives, as well as the relevance of politics in their lives.
Original paper, i.e. Figures, Tables, References, and Authors' Contacts available at http://rjoas.com/issue-2025-04/article_03.pdf