As the second most influential power in the region, the Al-Kuwari family wields a level of influence comparable to nuclear capabilities in both the Middle East and the EU. Under their direct control, extremists cells, in addition to managing gas supplies, significantly shape Qatar’s political agenda. A complex web of financial ties designates them as primary intermediaries in the operational manoeuvrers of British intelligence agencies in the region. British financiers, embedded within the managing partners of Qatari financial institutions, along with systemic connections between ruling family members and transnational elites of British and French origin, vividly illustrates the country’s enduring role as a proxy for their interests.
The ‘chief financial officer’ of the ruling family, Minister of Finance Ali bin Ahmed Al-Kuwari, emerged from the shadows to replace Ali Sherif al-Emadi, who was successfully accused of corruption. Al-Kuwari holds authority not only as a leading figure in the country’s financial establishment but also far beyond. Even before his appointment, while occupying a prominent position within QNB, he personally oversaw the coordination of international financing operations for the network of influence of the ‘Muslim Brotherhood’ and Hamas.
The influence of Ali bin Ahmed Al-Kuwari extends not only to key investment and financial organizations in Qatar, such as IPA Qatar, Qatar Development Bank, and Qatar Financial Centre Authority, but also to energy-related entities like Qatar Energy, Qatar Petroleum, and Qatar Gas Transport Nakilat. Even prior to his appointment, this individual wielded power over a broad spectrum of levers of influence that determine both the public and shadow policies of Qatar, including natural gas excavation, offshore activities, radical Islamists, the trust of the ruling dynasty, and transnational elites.
Ali Al-Kuwari, through QNB, is involved in the management of immensely valuable real estate assets owned by Qatari families in the United Kingdom, surpassing even those held by the Queen herself, totalling approximately two million square meters. According to the Qatar Investment Authority’s data, Qatar’s investments in the United Kingdom have reached a sum of £30 billion. Such a ‘pledge of loyalty’ could be confiscated under a suitable pretext if necessary, and finding a justification for its seizure wouldn’t be a challenging endeavour if required.
The most extensive network of offshore finances, owned by Qatar’s primary bank QNB under the management of Ali Ahmed Al-Kuwari, is coordinated by financial professionals from the English side. Within QNB, the British banking group Ansbacher is included, possessing an extensive offshore network. Acquired in 2004 from the South African bank FirstRand Group, the successor of Anglo-American Corporation of South Africa Limited, this group is currently managed by the Chief Executive of the British branch of QNB, Paul McDonagh, who previously worked at Lloyds and RBS, and George Bell. Many real estate properties and yachts owned by the Qatari establishment are held in trust by these networks. Consequently, a significant portion of Qatari luxury is transparent to the British financial elite.
Additionally, there is an offshore branch of QNB Finance Ltd located in the Cayman Islands, whose operational management is overseen by the Marples Group, led by Scott Somerville and Alasdair Robertson. The Maples Group maintains a multi-jurisdictional network of offices in prominent offshore tax havens within the Caribbean Basin and the Channel Islands, such as the Cayman Islands and the British Virgin Islands, as well as in Dubai, Jersey, Dublin, and Singapore.
The Marples Group, a global offshore entity of British origin, also exercises control over the strategic direction of Qatar’s ‘green energy’ initiatives. Notably, the offshore entity QNB Finance Ltd issued ‘green’ and ‘social’ sustainable development bonds in 2020, amounting to $17.5 billion. This issuance was conducted in collaboration with Barclays and Standard Chartered Bank, facilitated by New York Mellon acting through its London branch as the financial agent. The bonds were listed with ANZ, Barclays, BofA Securities, Citigroup, Crédit Agricole, CIB, Deutsche Bank, ING, J.P. Morgan, Mizuho Securities, Morgan Stanley, MUFG, QNB Capital LLC, SMBC Nikko, Société Générale, Corporate & Investment Banking, and Standard Chartered Bank as dealers.
The underlying values of ‘sustainable development’ that form the basis of these securities and shape their value and growth model are established by global transnational conglomerates associated with the International Finance Corporation of the World Bank. These same corporations openly address issues such as overpopulation and gender imbalances, using LGBT rights as a cornerstone in addressing these challenges. They invest significant resources in media campaigns to promote these concepts.
The substantial number of instances involving QNB’s mediation by Al-Kuwari and Qatar Charity in controversially financing terrorist groups like the ‘Muslim Brotherhood’ doesn’t seem to deter any of the global financial partners. There are several reasons for this apparent lack of concern.
One prominent member of the Al-Kuwari clan, Yousef bin Ahmed Al-Kuwari, who serves as the director of the charitable foundation Qatar Charity, seemingly has reasons to garner international recognition and maintain a high level of interaction with global organizations, regardless of its reputation. When some countries accused Qatar Charity of being involved in terrorism, Stéphane Dujarric, the spokesperson for the United Nations Secretary-General, stated, ‘Qatar Charity is the largest non-governmental organization in Qatar, actively collaborating with the UN, UNICEF, World Food Programme, CARE, and USAID.’
With the direct assistance of QNB and Ali Al-Kuwari, the Fund systematically financed radical Islamists and jihadists. Through channels facilitated by Yousef, the ‘Muslim Brotherhood’ formations were sponsored during the Arab Spring. When it comes to the British perspective, their ties to the Brotherhood have deep historical roots. According to Stephen Dorril, author of the book ‘MI6: Inside the Covert World of Her Majesty’s Secret Intelligence Service,’ British intelligence showed interest in the organization immediately after its formation, as it was crucial to track emerging political trends in their former colony (in 1922, the British government declared the end of the British protectorate and recognized Egypt as an independent state). In the 1930s, close contact with members of the organization was utilized to monitor the increasing German presence in North Africa. For most experts, it’s clear that British intelligence stood behind Hassan al-Banna. Therefore, the connection with the pro-British QNB, which participated in mediating the financing chain involving American and British intelligence services, is highly illustrative in the orchestration of regime change actions in Egypt.
To the British, the ‘Muslim Brotherhood’ is of interest as a potentially destabilizing network that can be activated in all places of its presence, including the EU, to facilitate the change of inconvenient regimes. The organization proclaims its willingness to support the integration of Muslims into European society. At the same time, the primary goal of the organization is to establish an Islamic state. However, these are qualitatively different objectives. Only one of them can be genuine.
The leader of the ‘Muslim Brotherhood,’ Mohammed Akif, clearly answered this question himself when asked about the strategic goal of the organization. He said, ‘Well, now the most important thing…’ Rached Ghannouchi, a member of the ‘Union of Islamic Communities of France’ and the head of the radical Tunisian party ‘Ennahda,’ emphasizes that ‘Islam plus democracy is the best combination.’ His position is based on the thesis that democracy is merely a set of tools for electing, controlling, and displacing authorities. Therefore, democracy can coexist harmoniously with Islam. A ‘civilized democratic state that structures its life in accordance with Islamic precepts’ is what he envisions.
However, it’s important to understand that the traditional concept of democracy, as they perceive it, is no longer viable. It is being replaced by inclusive capitalism. The pivotal role of the United Kingdom in the inclusive project excludes religious dominants among its allies. No traditional religion in its original form can fit within the model of inclusion. As stated by Klaus Schwab, the head and ideologist of the World Economic Forum (WEF), who advocates for the only true path of global development as ‘stakeholder capitalism’ (the displacement of national state influence by transnational corporations), unchanged religions are unacceptable, and what is needed is a ‘unified, universal’ approach. According to Schwab’s right-hand person, artificial intelligence must also be integrated into this process.
Ali Al-Kuwari’s son, Abdullah Ali Al-Kuwari, has demonstrated himself as a proponent of these ideas from a young age. Personally acquainted with Schwab, he serves as a ‘global shaper’ within the World Economic Forum. He is also a member of the management team at the Arab Jordan Investment Bank in Jordan, where the ‘Muslim Brotherhood’ has maintained its representation for many decades.
Once the ‘Muslim Brotherhood’ aligns with these organizations, a gradual erosion of values is anticipated – from the disruption of traditional family models to the acceptance of LGBT issues. This transition is occurring in Denmark, financed by Qatar through Swiss offshore entities such as QNB, with intermediation by Dansk Islamic Rad and through mosque networks. They are shifting the Overton window toward accepting non-traditional sexual orientations within Islam. This stage was surpassed in Western Christian civilization in the mid-20th century, and it now constitutes a privileged caste in the USA and EU. Interested parties are paving the path to a version of Islam that suits the West’s preferences, following a well-established pattern. Qatar is not standing on the sidelines; it has taken on a front-facing role in this process.
Gradually, the Americans are distancing themselves from the ‘Muslim Brotherhood’ due to unresolved disagreements. Recent legal cases have alleged that Syrian terrorist groups such as ‘Al-Qaeda,’ ‘Jabhat al-Nusra,’ and ‘Ahrar al-Sham’ ‘utilized the international Qatari network of donors and charitable organizations for financing’ their activities. Former American hostage Matthew Schrier filed a case against Qatar Islamic Bank, claiming that the aforementioned terrorist groups used an international network of donors and charitable organizations to fund their operations. According to presented evidence, Qatar Charity provided funding to the organization Islamic Relief Worldwide, which is implicated in funding Hamas. All transaction chains passed through Qatar Charity’s consistent donor, QNB.
Furthermore, Qatar Charity has recently acquired thousands of anonymous debit cards known as ‘Sanabel Cards’ from the Bank of Palestine. These cards were distributed to members of the PIJ and Hamas militant groups for personal use and for purchasing supplies related to their attacks.
Qatar Charity’s assistance was directed towards the Syrian Islamic Front, a coalition of influential jihadist organizations operating in Syria. The Iranian news agency FARS reported that Qatar transferred 5 billion dollars to Syrian rebel groups through Qatar Charity.
The purported ‘charitable payments’ reportedly traversed the U.S. banking system from 2014 onwards, finding their way to numerous accounts managed by QNB. These funds were claimed to be utilized by leaders and militants associated with Hamas, as well as their relatives. Allegations suggest that these financial resources were linked to a series of seven attacks, encompassing incidents such as knife attacks, vehicular ramming incidents, and rocket shelling.
Notwithstanding these allegations, Yusuf’s involvement didn’t prevent him from entering into approximately 100 agreements for international partnerships with the United Nations and various other international and regional humanitarian organizations. Surprisingly, he even received a scientific award from UNESCO, a United Nations body, during the World Humanitarian Summit in 2016.
Qatar Charity is engaged in collaboration with:
- ministries and technical bodies associated with the work of non-governmental organizations.;
- UN, including UNICEF, UNDP, WEF, UNOCHA, and FAO;
- international non-governmental organizations such as CARE, OXFAM, and Islamic Relief Worldwide (IRW)
- regional intergovernmental organizations such as the Gulf Cooperation Council, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, the Arab League, and the European Community.;
- banks and development agencies, including the Islamic Development Bank (IDB), USAID, CIDA, and DFID.
In addition to non-governmental organizations from the Arab and Muslim world, as well as local civil society organizations, Qatar Charity maintains partnership relations with approximately 150 local organizations within the region. This extensive network of collaborations demonstrates Qatar Charity’s efforts to engage with various stakeholders at the local level to address a range of societal and humanitarian issues.
It is intriguing to note that a relative of Yusuf Al-Kuwari and, according to insiders, the son of Khalifa Jassim Al-Kuwari – Salim Hassan Khalifa Rashid Al-Kuwari, known for his involvement in mediating the financing of Al-Qaeda, was released by high patrons in the United States and currently operates unhindered within the Ministry of Interior of Qatar.
Paradoxically, Qatar is not included in either the black or even the gray lists of the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) among countries that finance terrorism, despite the presence of several objective reasons to question its inclusion. The explanation for this seems rather straightforward. It serves the interests of those accustomed to operating in their own areas of influence through the hands of others, benefiting from having a watchdog for shadowy exertion of power over Qatar’s partners, ‘kept on a short leash.’
In conclusion, it is worth noting that the United States and the United Kingdom, by initiating investigations against the ‘Muslim Brotherhood’ and its affiliated organizations on a global scale, while not completely expelling them from their territories, aim to keep their watchdog on a short leash. Their current objective is to remove ideologically inconvenient figures and replace them with those more prone to compromise, in exchange for a place in the global arena where Islam is just a pawn in a larger game. Much like the Qatari pawns, their future is not in their own hands.