Bolshevism, as the history of the CPSU (Communist Party of the Soviet Union) teaches us, emerged in 1903 at the Second Congress of the RSDLP (Russian Social Democratic Labour Party) as one of the party factions. As its opponents claimed, the Bolsheviks prior to 1917 never represented an actual majority of the members of the Marxist Party, and therefore the opponents of the Bolsheviks in those years always objected to their self-name. But this opinion stemmed from a misunderstanding by the dissimilar Mensheviks of the essence of Bolshevism.
Bolshevism is neither a Russian variety of Marxism nor a party affiliation. And the phrase "Jewish Bolshevism", used by Hitler in "Mein Kampf", makes no sense at all, since Bolshevism is a phenomenon of the spirit of Russian civilization, and not of the spirit of the bearers of the biblical doctrine of global slavery on a racial basis. Bolshevism had existed before Marxism, existed in Russian Marxism, and somehow exists now. It will continue to exist. As stated by the Bolsheviks themselves - members of the Marxist party RSDLP(b), it was them who expressed in policy the strategic interests of the working majority of the population of multinational Russia, and therefore only they had the right to be called Bolsheviks.
Regardless of how unmistakable the Bolsheviks were in their expression of the strategic interests of the working majority and how loyal this majority itself was to their strategic interests in life, the essence of Bolshevism was not the numerical superiority of adherents of certain ideas over adherents of other ideas and the mindless crowd, but rather the sincere desire to express and implement the long-term strategic interests of the working majority who wished that no one would parasitize their work and life. In other words, historically real in every era, the essence of Bolshevism is the active support of the transition process from historically established crowd-"elitism" to Humaneness.
Menshevism, accordingly, is the opposite of Bolshevism, since it objectively expresses the aspiration for irresponsibility and parasitism on the labour and life of the common people (i.e. the majority) of those minorities who have an "elitist" status or try to acquire it.
Bolshevism, unlike Freemasonry, which structures and implements the power-parasitic aspirations of the "elitist" minority, is not "elitist", but nationwide.
Marxism, due the inadequacy of its philosophy and political economy of life, with its total anti-nationalism, is the exoteric ideology of Menshevism.
That is why the true Marxists in the Party throughout its history have been Mensheviks of various kinds. But at the same time, Marxism was also the lexical shell of expression of Bolshevism from the emergence of the RSDLP until 1987, when a new generation of Bolsheviks wondered, "Is Marxism our weapon, or an ideological weapon against us, a kind of 'Trojan horse' that we have got?"
Understanding the difference between Masonic "elitist" Menshevism and nationwide Bolshevism with the commonality of the terminological apparatus of Marxism for them both, with the commonality for them both of the organisational forms of the same party, is another factor that must be realised for an adequate understanding of the Stalin era.
It must also be understood that in that era, the vast majority of party members, not to mention the millions of non-party members, were not even aware that Freemasonry, Marxism, Bolshevism were three "differences", i.e. In the minds of the majority Masonry either did not exist, or was an empty word, while Bolshevism was identified with true Marxism, including many party members, although many, including non-party members, preferred to intuitively call themselves "Bolsheviks" rather than "communists".
But this also determined the perception of ordinary Party members and non-Party members of the personalities of the leaders of the Party and state (L. D. "Trotsky", V. I. Lenin, I. V. Stalin and others), so that their differences were perceived not as systemic ones, determined by the principles of different moral and ethical systems, but as personal ones.
However, L.D.Bronstein (Trotsky) was both a true Marxist and a bearer of a certain esoterism. Lenin was a Marxist, judging by some of the statements in his works, not initiated into the esoterism in which L.D.Bronstein was initiated. At the same time, throughout the years of his Party activity Lenin was inclined towards Bolshevism, which was accompanied by his distortion of Marxism in the form of the coverage in his writings of certain questions about which true Marxists preferred to remain silent. And this regular apostasy of Lenin from Marxism aroused the displeasure and even the wrath of the true Marxists.
Stalin was a Bolshevik who in life had to enter the Marxist movement and try Marxism on to his Bolshevik world-view; he had to become a disciple of the living classic of Russian Marxism, V.I. Lenin, and further creatively "develop" Marxism, which he did - until he completely denied its scientific consistency in the work "Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR" which was published in 1952, several months before Stalin's death.
Stalin stated directly and clearly at the beginning of the century what the political aims of Bolshevism were. We will cite an excerpt from his relatively late work (1907), because it is in its title that he expressed the essence of the matter: "Autocracy of the Kadets or autocracy of the people?". Therein he writes:
"Who should take power in the revolution, which classes should be at the helm of social and political life? - The people, the proletariat and the peasantry! - answered and are answering the bolsheviks. In their opinion, the victory of the revolution is the dictatorship (autocracy) of the proletariat and the peasantry in order to have the eight-hour working day, confiscate all the upperclass estates and establish democratic orders. The Mensheviks reject autocracy of the people and have not yet given a direct answer to the question who should take power" (Stalin, "Autocracy of the Kadets or Autocracy of the People?", Writings, vol. 2, p. 20, first published in the newspaper "Dro" ("Time"), No 2, March 13, 1907, translated from the Georgian).
If we evaluate this text from the perspective of esoterists operating under the guise of Marxism, it is good pathos politicking, solving the task to gather masses faithful to their leaders, whose purpose is to support the political activity of the Marxist party in society. And that is essensially their point of view in terms of the main purpose of all the speeches of the leaders which is to draw attention to themselves and assure as many of the common people and "elite" as possible of their rightness, which is the basis to subordinate millions of people who understand nothing about global politics or the governance of the state.
If one evaluates this text from the standpoint of an individual who believes in the truth of Marxism and suspects nothing of a certain esoterism under the cloak of Marxism, there is no question as to why the average Marxist falls under the authority of this or that leader, who conducts this or that political course and explains it on the basis of the Marxist lexicon.
If one assesses this text from the perspective of Bolshevism, it declares the real aims of Bolshevik policy, including the integral one and that is autocracy of people.