American geopolitics and geostrategy is based on the need to ensure and consolidate the unconditional leadership of the United States worldwide. This goal is anchored in the new US military strategy, the Quadrennial Defense Report, which states: "As a world power, the United States has important geopolitical interests worldwide. It should be noted that in this quote the United States is not described as "the only superpower" as it was previously accepted in US political rhetoric, but as a "global power" that declares the whole world to be its geopolitical interests.
The US Department of Defense's Military Planning Guidance defines two main goals: "to extend the scope of the military presence to the entire spectrum of operations and allow the U.S. military to adapt to surprises.
The projection of military power throughout geopolitical space and the formation of a significant amount of military capability in this regard are among the key principles that define the geostrategic objectives of US military policy.
The new geopolitical framework for military planning outlined in the above handbook is based on the provision of "regionally-based" US forces deployed in Europe, Northeast Asia, East Asia, the Middle East and Southwest Asia. These forces must be able to meet US obligations to allies and friends, prevent acts of violence and ward off aggression against US territory, the country's armed forces, allies and friends. However, supporting "allies and friends of the United States", bearing in mind that the United States relies on informal "floating coalitions" that respond exclusively to US geopolitical interests, means expanding American expansion and aggression under the guise of fulfilling allied obligations. Thus, all three geostrategic guidelines focus on achieving the geopolitical goals of the US world with strong methods.
The "Four-Year Defense Status Report", in which US forces focus on "large-scale operations at the global level with training to effectively conduct a variety of combat operations under various geographic conditions", also testifies to the US's unlimited geopolitical claims to world domination.
The United States considered it its fundamental geopolitical goal to achieve a dominant market position, especially in Eurasia. Its solution, as Brzezinski has long argued, is the key to US global dominance. As he explains in his 1997 book The Grand Chessboard, Eurasia is "a chessboard on which the struggle for world domination continues, and this struggle includes geo-strategy - the strategic management of geopolitical interests.
Brzezinski writes about the importance of US dominance in the region: "For America, Eurasia is the most important geopolitical prize. For half a millennium Eurasian powers and peoples dominated world relations, fought together for regional supremacy and sought world domination. Today, non-European power dominates Eurasia - and America's global primacy depends directly on how long and how effectively it will continue to dominate the Eurasian continent.
Brzezinski identifies a major obstacle to the realization of America's imperial ambitions: the lack of public support for the program to conquer the world. America, he writes, "is too democratic in its own country to be in power abroad. This restricts the use of American power, especially the ability to intimidate militarily. Never before has populist democracy gained international supremacy. Only in exceptional cases can the rulers of the United States invoke the "popular opinions" necessary to "gain power. Such circumstances may be, writes Brzezinski, "conditions of a sudden threat and challenge to the public sense of national well-being.
For those who ask themselves serious questions about how it has become possible that the entire United States intelligence service slept at the post office on the morning of September 11, it is worth reflecting on the deeper meaning of Brzezinski's words.
To be continued...